Police brutality! Down!! Down!!

Paramakudi firing clearly shows the ugly truth that the administration and the Police force instead of being an instrument to enforce the rule of law, is increasingly seen as a pliable tool in the hands of the dominant caste Hindus. The police firing on Dalits at Paramakudi who gathered to attend the guru puja of Dalit leader Immanuel Sekaran was an indication of a sinister design to put down any Dalit attempt at political mobilisation. One cannot forget the way riots were engineered when the then TN govt created the Transport Corporation in the name of Veeran SundaraLingam, a Dalit warrior. Whenever the Dalits raised their voice, they were silenced brutally. With widening social inequalities and a section desirous of seeking their rights guaranteed under the Constitution, this sort of tensions are likely to increase. The depth of emotion invested in Immanuel Sekaran memorial explains the history of violence attached to them. When John Pandian was denied entry to attend Immanuel’s Anniversary, dalit retaliation was a sign of self-assertion. They retaliate because of the confidence Immanuel has given them. When they were expected to be sub-human, it was Immanuel who taught them they are as human as everybody else. Police firing is not an attempt to contain violence but to escalate violence terrorizing the entire Dalit community with a veiled threat that glorifying Immanuel Sekaran would be disastrous. 

The Tamilnadu Police has a long tradition of being a partisan instrument in the hands of the caste Hindus. Law enforcers across the state have shown a remarkable reluctance to use the SC/ST Act to protect Dalits from upper-caste violence. At the heart of the problem is the fact that a section of police officers instead of fighting violence resort to violence showing their ugly casteist face. Even after 65 years of independence, Dalits do not file complaints against the dominant communities fearing reprisal, as they depend mostly on the landholders for their livelihood. In most cases, the SC/ST Act remains largely un-enforced due to both ignorance and active obstruction on the part of Tamil Nadu’s law enforcement. Even when they lodge a complaint under the SC/ST Act, the police ask the caste Hindus to lodge a counter complaint so that a criminal case is filed against the economically impoverished Dalits. Witnesses in such cases are terrorized and forced to retract.The negligible conviction rate in cases under the SC/ST Act also demoralises the oppressed sections.

It is also appaling to know that the Chief Minister defends the police firing at Paramakudi. The process of social democratisation, which is taking place in the southern districts, is being retarded. The state administration itself acts in a biased manner against the dalits and is fully complicit in the discriminatory practices. Police firing and atrocities have already occurred in Nalumoolaikinaru, Kodiyankulam, Sankaralingapuram, Uthapuram and Manjolai. Constituting an enquiry committee is not a solution for the insoluble internal conflicts in our society. Erring police officials should be booked under SC/ST Act.  In a democratic nation, no caste Hindu community can insist that the security of Dalits depends on the goodwill of the dominant community. The Government should adhere strictly to the constitutional laws and undo casteism from the law enforcing machinery. The rising tide of casteism in the police force can be stemmed only by an uncompromising stand.

A brief History of Immanuel Sekaran-the champion of social justice

To most readers in this nation starved of authentic information by the imperialist news agencies, the name of Immanuel Sekaran is either unfamiliar or just a name. Fondly remembered today by the Dalits as Immanuel Devendrar, Sekaran is a rebel whose greatness the rest of India is still struggling to understand. Dalits must understand how Immanuel accomplished extraordinary things, rising to the challenge when they were needed to ensure independence for the oppressed castes. He discovered that caste need not be a badge of servility but rather could be a banner for uncompromising revolutionary struggle. He was murdered because he was doing too much to pass this attitude on to his caste people. He died at the hands of the enemy. What remains is to go beyond the generalities and to understand the most significant elements attached to Immanuel’s life and death.

Born on 10^th October 1924 in Sellur near Muthukulathoorr, Immanuel Sekaran was an average student and could study only upto the higher secondary. As a teenager, Immanuel grew up in the highly stratified society, with two major handicaps, his caste and class.

To read the full biography written and published by Dr.T.Marx… contact drtmarx@gmail.com

Reliable History on Mohammed Ali Jinnah by R.S.Thangasamy

முகமது அலி ஜின்னா பற்றிய இருட்டடிப்புச் செய்யப்பட்ட வரலாற்றையும், காந்தியின் மறுபக்கத்தையும் அறிய உதவும் அரிய நூல்:

இரா. சி. தங்கசாமி எழுதிய மாமனிதர் ஜின்னா:

அணிந்துரை:

முனைவர் நா. அரணமுறுவல்

04-10-2007

உதவி இயக்குநர்,

தமிழ் வளர்ச்சித் துறை,

திருநெல்வேலி மாவட்டம்.

     முகமது அலி சின்னா, பெயரைக் கேட்டதும் பாகித்தானைத் தனியே பிரித்த தலைவர் என்பதுதான் அனைவருக்கும் நினைவுக்கு வரும்.

     வெள்ளை வல்லரசிடமிருந்து இந்தியா விடுதலை பெற வேண்டும். இந்துக்களும் இகலாமியர்களும் இணைந்து போராடி வெற்றி பெற வேண்டும் என்ற எண்ணம் கொண்டவர் சின்னா. இந்தியாவின் பேராயக் கட்சி மட்டும்தான் விடுதலைக்குப் போராடுகிறது என்று காந்தியும் நேருவும் திரும்பத் திரும்பக் கூறியபோது, இல்லை. முசுலிம் லீக்கும் அதற்காகத்தான் போராடுகிறது என்று அவர்களோடு வழக்காடியவர் சின்னா.

     இசுலாமியர் தலைமை இந்திய விடுதலைக்கு அமைந்துவிடக் கூடாதென்று கருதியவர்கள். இந்தியப் பேராயக்கட்சி இசுலாமியர் தலைமையில் இந்திய விடுதலையை வென்றெடுத்துவிடக்கூடாதென்று கருதியர்வர்கள் மத அடிப்படையில் நாட்டைப் பிளவுபடுத்த தூண்டினார்கள். இந்துத்துவத் தலைமையில் பேராயக் கட்சி வரும் வரை காத்திருந்து நாட்டை இந்து நாடென்றும் இசுலாமியர் நாடென்றும் இரண்டாகப் பிரித்தார்கள். இந்து மத இசுலாமிய மதக் கும்பல்களிடம் மாட்டிக் கொண்ட காந்தியும், சின்னாவும் காலத்தால் அழிக்கப்பட்டார்கள். காந்தியின் இராமராச்சியம் கடைசியில் அவரது உயிரைப் பலிவாங்கியது. சின்னா பாகித்தானில் புறக்கணிக்கப்பட்டு நோயில் விழுந்து மடிந்தார். இரண்டு மதவாதக் கும்பல்களும் இரண்டு தலைமையையும் நன்கு பயன்படுத்திக் கொண்டன.

     இளமைக் காலம் தொட்டு பாகித்தானில் சின்னா இறக்கும்வரை 15 இயல்களாகப் பிரித்து இந்த நூலை வழக்கறிஞர் இரா. சி. தங்கசாமி எழுதியுள்ளார்.

     1893ஆம் ஆண்டு இலண்டன் இலிங்கன்சு இன் சட்டக்கல்லூரியில் சேர்ந்த சின்னா இலண்டனில் தாதாபாய் நவரோசி தொடங்கிய இந்தியர் சங்கத்தில் இணைந்து அவரைத் தன்வழிகாட்டியாகத் தேர்ந்தெடுத்துக்கொண்டார். சாண் மார்லே எழுதிய சமரசம் என்ற நூல் சின்னாவை மிகவும் கவர்ந்தது. அவருடைய கொள்கையைச் சின்னா பின்பற்றினார். தனிமாந்த மனசாட்சி, மனசாட்சி உரிமை, அனைவருக்கும் சமஉரிமை என்பன மார்லேயின் கருத்துக்கள்.

     1897இல் வழக்கறிஞர் தொழில் செய்ய மும்பை சென்ற சின்னாவிற்கு ஐரோப்பியத் தலைவர்களுக்குக் கூட கிடைக்காத வாய்ப்பாகிய வழக்கறிஞர் நாயகம் சர் மக்பர்சன் உதவியால் சின்னா குற்றவியல் நடுவர் ஆகும் வாய்ப்பையும் பெற்றார்.

     இந்தியத் தேசிய மென்போக்கு அரசியலாருடன் கொண்ட தொடர்பால் கோகலேயின் ஊழியராகி முகலிம்லீக் வேட்பாளரைத் தேர்தலில் தோற்கடித்தார்.

     1910ஆம் ஆண்டிற்குப் பிறகு சின்னா அரசியலில் மதம் கலப்பதை விரும்பாது முகலிம் லீகை - பேராயக்கட்சியுடன் நல்லிணக்கம் கொள்ளச்செய்தார்.

     சின்னா பற்றி அண்ணல் அம்பேத்கார் சொல்கிறார்: “சிந்தனை மாற்றத்தின் காரணமாக சின்னா பிரிட்டீசாரின் கைப்பாவையாகச் செயல்பட்டார் என்று அவரது மிக மோசமான எதிரிகள் கூட ஒருபோதும் சந்தேகிக்க முடியாது. அவர் தனது சொந்தக் கருத்தில் உறுதியுடயவராக , ஒளிவுமறைவற்ற தற்பெருமை உடையவராக இருந்திருக்கலாம்... இந்தியாவில் ஊழலற்ற அரசியல்வாதி என்று ஒருவர் இருந்தால் அந்தச் சொல் அவருக்கே பொருந்தும். சின்னாவை யாரும் விலைக்கு வாங்க முடியாது. அவர் ஒருபோதும் வாய்ப்பைத் தேடிச் சென்றதில்லை என்பதே அவருக்குக் கிடைத்த பெருமையாகும். சின்னாவின் மாற்றத்திற்கான காரணத்தை இந்து மரபுவழிச் சிந்தனையாளர்கள் புரிந்துகொள்ளவில்லை.”

     இதன் பின்பே சின்னா முசுலிம் மக்களின் எதிர்காலத்தைக் கணக்கில் கொண்டு பாகித்தனை அடைய முசுலிம் மக்களை வழிநடத்தத் தொடங்கினார்.

     முதலில் நான் ஒரு இந்து, எனவே நான் உண்மையான இந்தியன் என்றார் காந்தி.

     முதலில் நான் ஒரு இந்தியன், அதன் பிறகுதான் நான் ஒரு முசுலிம் என்றார் சின்னா.

     ஆனால் இந்து மதவாதிகளின் வளர்ச்சி, தீவிரவாதப் போக்கு ஆகியவை இந்திய நாடு பிளவுபடுவதற்கு வழிவகுத்துவிட்டன. சின்னா மேற்கொண்ட முயற்சிகள் தோல்வியைத் தழுவின.

     1948இல்  அரசியல் அமைப்புச் சட்டம் பற்றிப் பேசிய சின்னா, “எக்காரணத்தைக் கொண்டும் பாகித்தான் மத குருமார்களின் அரசாக இருக்காது. நம் நாட்டில் முசுலிம்  அல்லாதவர்கலாகிய இந்துக்கள், கிருத்துவர்கள், பார்சிகள் ஆகியோரைக் கொண்டிருக்கிறோம். அவர்கள் அனைவரும் பாகித்தானியர். பாகித்தானில் அவர்கள் அனைவரும் மற்ற குடிமக்களைப் போல் சமப் பங்களிப்பைச் செலுத்திச் சமஉரிமையாளர்களாக விளங்குவார்கள்” என்று குறிப்பிட்டார்.

     சின்னா பற்றிய இவ்வாறான கருத்துக்களைப் பல நூல்கள் வாயிலாகத் திரட்டி இந்நூலை ஆசிரியர் திறம்பட இயற்றியுள்ளார். நூலை உருவாக்க பெரிய முயற்சி மேற்கொண்டு அதில் வெற்றி பெற்றுள்ளார். சின்னாவின் வாழ்க்கை வரலாற்றோடு சென்ற நூற்றாண்டின் இந்திய அரசியல் வரலாற்றையும் இதன் மூலம் நாம் தெரிந்து கொள்ள வாய்ப்பளித்துள்ளார் ஆசிரியர்.

     தமிழ்நாட்டு இன்றைய சூழல் முசுலிம் மக்கள் மீது          சுமத்திவரும் பொய்க்குற்றச்சாட்டுகளை  அம்பலப்படுத்த இந்த நூல் தமிழ் மக்களுக்கு உதவும் என்பது உறுதி.

என்னுரை- இரா. சி. தங்கசாமி.

     ஒரு நாட்டில் நிகழ்ந்த விடுதலைப் போராட்டங்களை ஆதிக்க வர்க்கம் அவர்களது நலனை முன்னிறுத்தி உண்மையை  மறைத்தும், திரித்தும், திருத்தியும் எழுதி வரலாறு என்று காட்டுவதை நாம் கண்கூடாகக் காண்கிறோம். இந்தியச் சுதந்திரப் போராட்ட வரலாற்றில் சில முகாமையான தலைவர்களின் பங்களிப்பைத் திட்டமிட்டு உள்நோக்குடன் மறைத்தும், திரித்தும், திருத்தியும்  தவறான தகவல்களைத் தந்து ஒரு மாயத்தோற்றத்தையும் ஒருவித அறிவு மயக்கத்தையும் ஏற்ப்படுத்தி வருவது தொடர் செயல்பாடாக உள்ளது.

     இந்தியாவின் தலைவிதியை தீர்மானிப்பதற்கான சிக்கலான பணியில் இரண்டு மிக முக்கியமான அரசியல்வாதிகளான காந்தியும், ஜின்னாவும் ஈடுபட்டனர். அவர்கள் இருவரும் சிந்தனையில், தோற்றத்தில், கண்ணோட்டத்தில், செயல்பாடுகளில் இருவேறு துருவங்கலாகவே இருந்தனர். இந்தியச் சுதந்திரப் போராட்ட இயக்கத்தில் முன்னோடித் தலைவர்களான தாதாபாய் நவ்ரோஜி, பெரோசா மேத்தா, கோகலே ஆகியோரது அருந்தொண்டரான ஜின்னா, சுரேந்திரநாத் பானர்ஜியின் அடிச்சுவட்டில் தனது அரசியல் பயணத்தைத் தொடங்கினார். முஸ்லிம் கோகலேவாகத் திகழ விரும்பிய ஜின்னா தன் வாழ்வையே இந்திய தேசிய விடுதலைக்காகவும், இந்து முஸ்லீம் ஒற்றுமைக்காகவும் அர்ப்பணித்தார். அண்ணல் டாக்டர் அம்பேத்கர் அவர்களால் நேர்மையான, விலைபோகாத, ஊழலற்ற அரசியல்வாதி என்றும் பிரிப்டீசு இந்தியாவின் ஆளுநர் வெலிங்டன் பிரபுவால் போல்ஷ்விக் என்றும் ஆர்.ஆர். நந்தாவால் முஸ்லிம் மாஜினி என்றும் கவிக்குயில் சரோஜினி நாயிடுவாள் இந்து முஸ்லீம் தூதர் என்றும் புகழாரம் சூட்டப்பட்டார். சமூகச் சீர்திருத்தங்களுக்காகவும், மதச்சார்பின்மையாளராகவும் திகழ்ந்தார். காங்கிரசு பேராயக் கட்சியினரால் அரசியல் மோசக்காரரென்றும் இந்து வகுப்புவாதிகளால் காபிர் (நாத்திகன்), காங்கிரசு அடியாள் என்றும் தூற்றப்பட்ட அஞ்சா நெஞ்சன் ஜின்னா இந்து மகாசபை ஆதரவாளரும் கீதையின் பற்றாலருமான காந்தியின் மத அரசியலைத் தோலுரித்துக் காட்டியதுடன், அரசியல் பண்பாலர்களின் விளையாட்டு என்று தெளிவு படுத்தினார். சினாவின் சாதனைகள் அளவிடற்க்கரியவை.

     இந்தியச் சுதந்திரப் போராட்ட இயக்கத்தில் ஜின்னா ஆற்றிய பங்களிப்பை நடுநிலை நின்று நாடடு மக்களுக்கு எடுத்த்துரைக்கும் எனது முயர்ச்சியே அவரது வாழ்க்கை வரலாறாக அமைந்துவிட்டது.

இரா. சி. தங்கசாமி.

முழு புத்தகத்தையும் வாசிக்கத் தொடர்புகொள்ளவும்:

drtmarx@gmail.com

Periyar on Bhagat Singh

It is unfortunate that in the absence of alternate historical understanding of Indian situation, revolutionaries like Bhagat Singh are grossly under evaluated and misrepresented. If Gandhi was the all-too-well-accepted side of the freedom movement, Bhagat Singh was the other side of it. He was no less patriotic than the Mahatma, but languished from the lack of recognition for his cause. Unfortunately, the ruling elite of the country reduced Bhagat Singh into a 'terrorist,' an image he got initially was thrust upon him more by the Congress, than the British themselves. The Congress took the cue from the Mahatma, and succeeded in making him appear irrelevant. Even in imprisonment, his hunger strike in the prison to get better conditions for the prisoners is one of the most memorable events in the history of Indian freedom struggle.

Standing in league with Dr Ambedkar, Bhagat Singh supported the untouchables’ demands for separate electorate system. Both Ambedkar and Bhagat Singh shared similar feelings towards the Brahmin dominated Indian society in which they lived. Though Ambedkar and Bhagat Singh differed in their approach to attaining liberty for Dalits, and non-Brahmins, their critique of caste system, caste ridden society, and Hinduism worked synergistically to break the sanctified religious hold of Brahmin supremacy on Indian society while at the same time transforming Dalits and other non- Brahmins into a dynamic force for social change. No doubt, Bhagat Singh will always remain a hope for all those who believe in secular socialist values and reject the caste based hierarchical system. After all, he was practicing what Gandhi and the Congress were preaching all along. While Congress grew stubborn as the day when Bhagat Singh would be hanged approached, Periyar began to love him more. Most possibly, he could have been saved with an effort by the Congress and the Mahatma. In his article The Functioning of Caste System published in Kudiarasu dated 28-07-1935,  Periyar goes to the extent of dispelling the myth ‘Mahatma is the saviour of the untouchables’: “In order to abolish untouchability our friend Gandhi has shouted as much as possible. Collected many lakhs of rupees to achieve that end and handed them over to higher caste or varna people. Otherwise, he was not able to bring about the slightest change. On the other hand, he also supports Gita, Manu code, Varna system and caste. [...] Friend Gandhi is an ardent religionist and not a deep humanist. He has been saying that untouchability must be abolished only to save Hindusim; otherwise he is not having his principle objective of the abolition of atrocities perpetrated against you [untouchables]”  Even today, Bhagat Singh remains the potent symbol of rebellion and the alluring zeal of revolution. This article would do good to the current generation to know of a man, who lived by his ideals till he breathed his last.

We offer our readers the pleasure of reading the words of Periyar about Bhagat Singh:

Article written by Periyar On the Execution of Bhagat Singh on March 29, 1931 (The Modern Rationalist November 2006)

"The aim of life is no more to control the mind, but to develop it harmoniously: not to achieve salvation here after, but to make the best use of life here below; and not to realise truth, beauty and good only in contemplation, but also in the actual experience of daily life: social progress depends not upon the ennoblement of the few but on the enrichment of democracy; universal brotherhood can be achieved only when there is an equality of opportunity – of opportunity in the social, political and individual life."

[The following is the editorial Periyar E.V. Ramasami wrote in his Tamil Weekly Kudi Arasu dated 29th March 1931. Translation by Aasaan.

The editorial highlights the point that Bhagat Singh’s outspoken progressive views and supreme sacrifice have disabused the minds of the people and made them realise the retrograde nature of the ideals and methods of Mahatma Gandhi.]

Periyar’s Editorial dated 29th March, 1931:

There is no one who has not condoled the death of Mr. Bhagat Singh by hanging. There is none who has not condemned the government for hanging him. Besides, we now see several people known as patriots and national heroes scolding Mr. Gandhi for the happening of this event.

While this happens in one place, let us see what the same group of people do in another place. They congratulate Lord Irwin, the Vice-roy. They praise Mr. Gandhi for coming to an agreement with him. They are not only satisfied that the agreement has been reached without laying down the condition of not to hang Bhagat Singh, but also consider the signing of such an agreement as a great victory and celebrate the same. In addition, Mr. Gandhi says that Lord Irwin is a Mahatma (great soul), and has ordered the common people of the country to address the Vice-roy the same way. Lord Irwin publicises Mr. Gandhi among divinity.

The same people who have been hailing Mr. Gandhi as a great leader are now shouting ‘down with Gandhi’ and ‘down with congress.’ They show black flags wherever he goes, and disturb the meetings he addresses. These things have become common.

When we witness these things we are at a loss to find out either the opinion of the public or the principle they entertain regarding political affairs. We also doubt if they really adhere to any principle.

Whatever be the position of the public, even when Gandhi started the agitation of Salt Satyagraha, we explained elaborately that it would not only be of no use to the people, but also hostile to the progress of the country and to the liberation of the suffering class.

Even Gandhi has said clearly and openly admitting that the reason for starting the agitation had been to spoil and undo the work done by persons like Bhagat Singh.

To supplement (these things), the real socialists among the neighbours have been proclaiming loudly: "Mr. Gandhi bas betrayed the poor. He does these things to eradicate the socialist principles. Down with Gandhi, down with Congress." But our known national heroes and patriots never cared for these reactions. They did not realise the pros and cons of anything. Like those who fall into the well holding the lamp, like those who clash against the rock accepting the challenge, they were blindly and wildly enthusiastic (about the Salt Agitation). They went to prison and returned ‘triumphantly’. They accepted the honour connected with it. And now after finding Bhagat Singh hanged, they also shout, ‘Down with Gandhi’, ‘Down with Congress’. We do not understand what benefit will ensue due to such behaviour.

As far as we are concerned, let us tell the truth: There are idiots and fools in this land. They do not think of the pros and cons of a course of action, but selfishly seek their own honour. Had Bhagat Singh lived long, he would have to suffer of such people. Instead, it is good that Bhagat Singh is dead and has found ‘peace’. I am sad that I cannot get such a great rare chance (paeru).

The issue is whether a man has done his duty or not. The issue is not whether the action has borne fruit. Yet we agree that we should do our duty, taking into account the time and place. We are sure that time, place and the general trend are not hostile to the principle upheld by Bhagat Singh. Though it occurs to our mind that he has erred a little in choosing the means to translate his principle into practice, we will never at any time be emboldened to say that his principle is a flawed one. It alone will make peace prevail in this world.

If Bhagat Singh had came to the firm and sincere conclusion that all his principles were correct, and that the methods he had used were the just ones, then he should have definitely conducted himself only in the way he had done. If he had not so conducted himself, we could not say he was an honest person. So we now say that he is a true man. It is our strong view that only Bhagat Singh’s principle is needed to India.

As far as we know, Bhagat Singh’s principle represented socialism and communism. As an evidence in this view, we find the following lines in the letter he wrote to the governor of the province of the Punjab:

"Till Communist Party comes to power and people live without unequal status, our struggle will continue: It cannot be brought to an end by killing us: it will continue openly and secretly:"

Further, we think that Bhagat Singh had no faith in god and in divine dispensation, but was a man of self-confidence. Holding such views is not a crime under any law. Even if it is considered to be against any law, no one need to be afraid of it because, we are sure, that following those principles (that Bhagat Singh upheld) will not do any harm or cause any loss to the public. If by chance any harm or loss takes place, it will be unintentional. We endeavour to put the principle into practice wholeheartedly, without entertaining personal hatred towards individuals or towards communities or towards the people of any other land. We do our work without causing injury to any person, but we are ready to undergo extreme suffering for the cause we espouse. So we need not worry about or be afraid of anything.

The same philosophy that underlies our endeavour to eradicate untouchability also forms the basis of the efforts to remove poverty. To abolish untouchability we have to abolish the principle of upper and lower castes. In the same manner, to remove poverty we have to do away with the principle of capitalists and wage-earners. So socialism and communism are nothing but getting rid of these concepts and systems. These are the principles Bhagat Singh stood for. It is no wonder that those who consider them just and necessary call for the downfall of Gandhi and Congress. What is very strange is that those who advocate these principles hail Gandhi and Congress.

The day when Gandhi said that god alone guides him, that Varnashrama Dharma is a superior system fit to govern the affairs of the world, and that everything happens according to god’s will, we came to the conclusion that there is no difference between Gandhism and Brahmanism. We also concluded that unless the Congress Party that subscribes to such philosophy and principle is abolished, it will not be good to the country. But now this fact has been found out at least by some of the people. They have gained the wisdom and courage to call for the downfall of Gandhism. This is a great victory to our cause. If Bhagat Singh had not died by being hanged, there would not have been any chance for this victory to take place in such a popular manner. We even venture to say that Gandhism would have gained more ground if Bhagat Singh had not been hanged.

Bhagat Singh had not fallen sick, suffered and died as it normally happens with people. He gave his life for the noble cause of showing to India, nay to the world, the path of real equality and peace. He has reached a great height, a feat never achieved normally by any one else. We applaud and sing of his martyrdom from the depth of our heart. At the same time, we request those in our government to find out and hang four true persons like Bhagat Singh in each of the provinces.

Gothapaya Rajapaksa: Face War Crimes Trial

Gothapaya Rajapaksa's sweeping remarks against Jayalalithaa were either the result of his deliberate attempt to barter the freedom and welfare of Tamils in exchange for his own exoneration or a well conceited, arrogant, racist distortion of the ground reality. From his half baked comments, it is clear that he insists that the security of the Tamils depends on the goodwill of the Sinhalese community. Gothapaya has consistently denied UN’s credible allegations of war crimes and also resisted calls for an international probe.

The Sri Lankan government which clearly has the responsibility to look after the Tamils under their absolute military control, has deliberately blocked the international humanitarian organisations as well as Tamil Diaspora through its poor record of reaching out to Tamils. Only in this context, the Tamilnadu assembly passed the resolution recently on the plight of Tamils living in the Island Nation. Gothapaya Rajapakse said that if the Tamil Nadu government is interested in the welfare of the Tamils, it is useless calling for international investigation.

Gothapaya’s blatant lies to hoodwink the international community underscore the fears felt by Tamils that they have no voice and continue to be marginalized by the Sinhalese-dominated government. Racists like Gotabaya need to face the international justice system. By remaining a silent spectator and denying justice to Tamils, India should not set a precedence of impunity, for other war criminals around the world to replicate what the Sri Lankan regime has done to the Tamils.

India Shines!!! (for the corporates)

Independence Day 2011 

Though the 65^th Independence Day of India is a moment of delight and grandeur, it is also high time to review the performance of the nation during the past and to chalk out constructive programme to move ahead in the future.  As the nation prepares for another triumphant show of nationalism, it only fuels the bogus pride but falls short of fighting the serious maladies of our times. Behind the façade of India’s 65^th Independence Day, one-third of the nation’s poor languish for the promised social change. With the ever increasing inflation, even the middle class is suffering with increasing prices of food grains, essential commodities, and petroleum products.

Dalits are living in utter poverty, without proper education, medical facilities, employment, and agricultural land and the atrocities on Dalits are on increase year after year. The Muslims are still facing discrimination in employment. Justice Sachar reveals that for the minority sections, the poverty level remains on a par with Dalits. Wide-ranging issues like poverty, inflation, food-crisis, health, education, employment and deficits in infrastructure are not yet tackled. The country needs to tackle deep-seated social problems like unprecedented corruption scandals, failure to bring black money, mounting unemployment, soaring prices of food and essential commodities, increasing poverty and widening gaps between poor and rich, farmers’ suicides etc.

Patriotism can’t be the final spiritual shelter of our great nation if we don’t adhere to humanity. One of the founding fathers of the nation, Rabindranath Tagore said: “My refuge is humanity. I will not buy glass for the price of diamonds, and I will never allow patriotism to triumph over humanity as long as I live.” The nation should stand committed to the welfare of the poor, the Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes, Muslims, women and other backward sections of our society. The government should take the pledge on this Independence Day to fight back the anti-people policies and march forward to build India sans corruption and for a government which cares for the poor, Dalits and marginalised sections.

Letter to The Hindu

My letter on Samacheer Kalvi  (11-08-2011)

The Supreme Court's direction to the Tamil Nadu government to implement Samacheer Kalvi (Uniform System of School Education) for classes 2-5 and 7-10 in 10 days is a victory for social justice. It has come as a relief for teachers and parents who were worried about the future of students due to the uncertainty over the implementation of the system. Samacheer Kalvi attempts to abolish the dual system of education — one for the rich and another for the poor.

In response to the News brief “Implement Samacheer Kalvi in 10 days: Supreme Court” (10-08-2011)

The Supreme Court on Tuesday directed the Tamil Nadu government to implement Samacheer Kalvi (Uniform System of School Education) for classes 2 to 5 and 7 to 10 in ten days.

A three-Judge Bench of Justice J.M. Panchal, Justice Deepak Misra and Justice B.S. Chauhan dismissed a batch of appeals filed by the Tamil Nadu government and on behalf of association of matriculation schools, and impleadment application by the Tamil Nadu Anaithu Asiriyar Munnetra Peravai in support of the State challenging the Madras High Court judgment.

The Bench upheld the High Court's decision declaring unconstitutional the amendment made to the Tamil Nadu Uniform System of School Education Act to defer implementation of the USSE and gave 25 reasons why the impugned judgment should be sustained.

Writing the judgment, Justice Chauhan pointed out that even before the first Cabinet meeting of the new Government on May 22, i.e. on May 21, tenders were invited to publish the books under the old education system. “It shows that there had been a predetermined political decision to scrap the Act 2010. There was no material before the Government on the basis of which the decision not to implement the Act 2010 could be taken as admittedly the Expert Committee had not done any exercise of reviewing the syllabus and textbooks till then,” the Bench said.

“Undoubtedly, there had been a few instances of portraying the personality by the leader of political party [M. Karunanidhi] earlier in power, i.e. personal glorification, self publicity and promotion of his own cult and philosophy, which could build his political image and influence the young students, particularly in the books of primary classes. Such objectionable material, if any, could be deleted, rather than putting the operation of the Act 2010 in abeyance for indefinite period.”

The Bench pointed out that the Act 2010 was enacted to enforce the uniform education system in the State of Tamil Nadu to impart quality education to all children, without any discrimination on the ground of their economic, social or cultural background.

The Act itself provided for its commencement, giving the academic years though in a phased programme i.e. for Standards I to VI from the academic year 2010-2011 and for other Standards from academic year 2011-2012. Thus, enforcement was not dependent on any further notification.

It said, “The justification pleaded by the State that the Amendment Act 2011 was brought to avoid contempt proceedings, as the directions issued by the High Court [in the earlier April 2010 judgment], could not be complied with is totally a misconceived idea and not worth acceptance. The said judgment of the High Court was duly approved by a speaking order of this court dated September 10, 2010.”

The Bench said, “The High Court as well as this court upheld the validity of the Act 2010. Thus, it was not permissible for the legislature to annul the effect of the said judgments by the Amendment Act 2011, particularly so far as I and VI Standards are concerned. The list of approved textbooks had been published and made known to all concerned. Thus, the Act 2010 stood completely implemented so far these standards were concerned.”

It pointed out that certain directions had been given in the said judgment by the High Court which could have been complied with by issuing executive directions. Moreover, directions issued by the High Court could be complied with even by changing the Schedule as provided in the judgment dated April 30, 2010 itself.

Are Muslims second class citizens?

Are Muslims second class citizens?

My article “Islam and Media Discourses in India: Constructing Islamophobia” (International Journal of South Asian Studies P.284) lambasts current political scenario in which Muslims have been reduced to second class citizens in India. If the term ‘minority’ connotes discrimination, disempowerment and systemic injustice by the majority community, the Muslims are ‘minorities’ only. Muslims have been treated as second class citizens in a secular democracy liable to be branded as terrorists by irresponsible fanatics and political parties, the police and sections of the breathless media. India’s long-cherished portrait of itself as a model of democracy, secularism and religious-cultural pluralism has been cast into doubt by Sachar Panel findings. Indian Muslims are disproportionately affected by under-representation and social exclusion and bureaucratic delay and inertia in responding to Muslim requests for socio-cultural space. Muslims, India’s largest religious minority, face systematic exclusion and serious discrimination at multiple levels. Sachar adds that Muslims now constitute India’s ‘new underclass’; they are worse off than the rest of the population in respect of access to public services, literacy, education, income, social mobility, and jobs. Muslims form 13.4 per cent of India’s population of a billionplus people, but are seriously underrepresented in schools, universities, government jobs, and Parliament.

The minority question has always been quite controversial in India. The secular forces not only acknowledge minority question but also want to give them equal status in matters of social, cultural, political and economic rights. Sadly, a systematic effort has been underway to create and sustain a minority-phobia among Indian Hindus that minority is synonymous with Muslims. Muslims are viewed as an enemy within and they feel that they are under constant siege as a numerical majority has been indoctrinated to believe that this minority is a threat. Communal forces who espouse communal ideology refuse to recognise the minority status and their distinct socio-cultural status. The communal forces continue to question the status of religious minorities especially Muslims. Sometimes they accuse secular parties of 'appeasement of minorities' and they also question their loyalty to the country.

The lackadaisical attitude of the government and the political mileage sought whenever communal riots occur has been very painful for the Community, the Sachar report also contained statistics showing the deplorable socioeconomic conditions that they confront and the systematic anti-Muslim bias on the part of the police and judiciary. No secular democracy can ever succeed without acceptance of pluralism. In a secular democracy a religious other becomes a political other. If the Indian secular democracy is well established, no Muslim should be deprived of his or her political rights on the basis of religion.

... ... ... ...

For full article access, log on: http://www.pondiuni.edu.in/sites/default/files/downloads/sasvol12_2008.pdf

Lokpal Drama

Lokpal -Sandwich between Oscar Hero Anna Hasare and UPA 

The promise of bringing in an effective Lokpal bill to curb corruption in high offices of governance has turned into a quagmire of fiascos. What the UPA government has done by approving the diluted version has dealt a severe blow to the concept of vigilance against corruption and signalled that corruption could continue undeterred. The approved Lokpal Bill, notwithstanding all the dramas of civil society groups and the dramatically over hyped faith of commoners over Lokpal, has become an affront to democracy. With the UPA’s attempt to keep the prime minister and the judiciary out of the Lokpal’s purview, the already crumbling credibility of the government erodes and civil society protests and politics of hunger strikes could merely remain theatre for the media instead of institutionalized reforms.

When the Constitution does not distinguish the prime minister from other cabinet colleagues, the argument that bringing the prime minister within the jurisdiction of the Lokpal would disrupt the office of a functioning head of the government is dubious. The concept of an independent Lokpal is unpalatable to the UPA government that wishes to function in a non-transparent, unaccountable manner. At the same time, though the argument that people should be involved in drafting legislation looks wise, it is dangerous to demand that the legislation drafted by a self-appointed, unaccountable and unrepresentative set of people be passed at the threat of hunger strikes. The Jan Lok Pal bill is not a solution to the problem of corruption as it stems from having struck a vein of bourgeoisie outrage against the UPA government’s misdeeds. As many common people believe the bill is not the panacea to weed out deeply entrenched corruption at the government level. If the country is anxious to address corruption, the Lokpal must have a wide and commanding reach, irrespective of the status and importance of those that hold public offices only in addition to institutional reforms.

Song on Dalit Liberation

Video Song filmed and produced by the Students of the Department of English, Pondicherry University.

My Letter on Salwa Judum

Letter to The Hindu dated 11-07-2011

Maoist insurgency can be tackled only by improving education and job opportunities, and ensuring equal development. The court's decision outlawing the civil militia is a historic verdict and will go a long way in protecting the tribals from state-aided rights violations. Salwa Judum, as the State claims, is not a spontaneous movement but a State-organised anti-insurgency campaign. Thousands have been armed in the name of protection against extremists.

In response to the Editorial in The Hindu dated 09-07-2011

A landmark verdict

“Laws cannot remain silent when the cannons roar,” the Supreme Court of India declared earlier this week, upturning Cicero's dictum to pronounce a historic judgment on the violent darkness that has enveloped the heart of India in Chhattisgarh. While the State and Union governments have predictably announced their intention to seek a review, the court's decision to disarm and disband the forces of mostly young, barely literate, and poorly trained Special Police Officers (SPOs) deployed by the state in the fight against Maoist insurgents is a blow for constitutional order. “Modern constitutionalism,” the court noted, “posits that no wielder of power should be allowed to claim the right to perpetrate ... violence against anyone, much less its own citizens, unchecked by law and notions of innate human dignity of every individual.” The burden of the judgment is simple: the country does face a threat from the Maoist insurgency but any attempt by the state to use “lawless violence” as a counter will only perpetuate and intensify the cycle of violence, as “the death toll revealed by the Government of Chhattisgarh” itself indicates. By default as well as design, the SPOs — whether organised under the name of ‘Salwa Judum' or ‘Koya Commandos' — have become the chief instrument of this lawless and failed counter-insurgency strategy. Innocent tribals have been the primary victims, either as targets of the SPOs or as poorly trained foot soldiers in a bloody war the government is not even prepared to properly finance.

In demanding an end to the SPO system, the Supreme Court has acted as much out of concern for the hapless tribal population of Dantewada as for the tribal youth who were press-ganged by their individual circumstances into becoming “cannon fodder” for the state. Chhattisgarh as well as the Union of India were guilty of violating the fundamental rights of citizens at large and the SPOs themselves. The court has also made the link between Chhattisgarh's illegal counter-insurgency strategy and the wider “neoliberal” approach being followed by the government at the Central and State levels. This approach is spawning disaffection among the poor and giving a boost to insurgency. The Salwa Judum is the illegitimate product of a system that sees nothing wrong in giving tax breaks to the rich and guns to the poor to fight each other, the court said. But the Constitution “is most certainly not a ‘pact for national suicide',” it concluded in ordering an end to this state of affairs. These are profound words. Both the Union of India and Chhattisgarh must immediately implement this splendid expression of judicial wisdom, not waste time in seeking a review.

Announce Mahinda Rajapaksa as war criminal

See the horrific pictures!  Question the Sinhalese brutality! Arrest Rajapaksa for war crimes!

Rajapaksa is the fascist-tyrant who harnessed the forces of Sinhalese nationalism, hatred and fear to implement his vision of an ethnically separated Sri Lanka.  Arresting and convicting Rajapaksa for his genocide will give millions of the affected Tamil people hope that the man responsible for killing their people and destroying their livelihoods will one day be brought to justice for the true extent of his crimes.

War Criminal Rajapaksa down down!

Present position:

Even with the TNA’s victory in the recent polls, Tamils currently do not have a strong national advocate as there is no space in the north for political organization since its civil society is relatively dead in the massive security presence. TNA’s victory in the local polls may not help when the ground reality is not conducive to livelihood revival and development. Progressive demilitarisation is a pre-requisite for internal pacification and legitimisation of the state in post-civil war Lanka which is not done in the North and the East. The Tamils still remain disenfranchised to alarming degrees due to internal displacement and subjection to military rule. In these circumstances, the invocation of sovereignty by Rajapaksa makes no sense to the war-torn people. There is little hope that the Sri Lankan government will put forth a durable political solution that will address the underlying grievances of the Tamil community. President Rajapaksa’s poor track record of reaching out to Tamils underscores the fears felt by many Tamils that they have no voice and continue to be marginalized by the Sinhalese-dominated government. Rajapaksa’s concept of majoritarian control over a pluralist country may deprive post-war Sri Lanka of the peace and normalcy that it desperately needs.

It is sad that Sri Lankan government still relies on its military might to govern the nation even after eliminating the LTTE threat to its security and loses its legitimacy among the Tamils. Moreover the government uses development of infrastructure as a substitute for a political solution thereby justifying the continuation of militarisation in the name of state security. The rehabilitation and development measures of post-war Eastern and Northern Sri Lanka have so far failed miserably to create any hope of a political way out.

The most reasonable and sustainable way to establish democracy and to instil hopes is to implement a political solution that makes the Tamils feel that they are not treated as second class citizens because of their ethnicity. The government should have the will to deliver a political solution and to reform the state by creating the obligatory representative processes for devolution and power sharing in a spirit of fostering hopes among the Tamils through reconciliation and peace building.

Read Ambedkar online

Useful link to access the works of Dr.Ambedkar

Dr. B.R.Ambedkar was a prominent thinker and social reformer from the Indian state of Maharashtra during the 19th century. During his time, he tried bringing in positive renovations in the spheres of education, caste system, social position of women, Constitution et al. Out of everything that Ambedkar ever did, he is most remembered for his selfless service to liberate the Dalits. Due to his relentless struggle to derive justice and equal rights for the Dalits, Ambedkar is regarded as one of the most significant figure in the social reform movement in India. If one wants to know the real face of Gandhi, Jinnah, Periyar EVR and other leaders, one should read the works of Ambedkar-the messiah of the Dalits.

Click on the link http://satyaguru.us/ambedkar_writings

Book on Reservation

Preface-Dr.T.Marx

A spectre is haunting India- the spectre of reservation. All powers of the Hindu society have entered into a holy alliance to exorcise this spectre: upper caste students and politicians, private industrialists, educationists, Brahmins and the media.

Discrimination is an affront to humanity and an assault on the concept of human rights. It systematically denies groups of people their human rights just because of who they are or what they believe.

After decades of assiduous attempts on the part of the ruling upper caste elite to hoodwink the world into believing; reservation will divide Indian society and will dilute the standards, writing this small book to dispel certain myths about reservation- for social justice. This is neither a research-based volume nor exhaustive study but a collection and consolidation of valid arguments to dispel the misconstrued and misleading arguments against reservation put forth by the Brahmins and caste Hindus.

Around the world, persecuted communities have organized themselves to defend their rights. Therefore it has become the task of lovers of social justice, democracy and secularism in India to unequivocally support the right of the SC/ST/OBC/ minorities t determination by way of reservation.  A vocal and vibrant mo should emerge throughout India to break the conspiracy of s surrounding   discrimination   and   violence against SC/ST/OBC/Minorities. In the struggle for the effective implement of reservations, we "have nothing to lose but our chains" but we have world to win".

I shall feel pride, if this petty contribution would at least be able create awareness among academics, social activists and secularist. If this book achieves this much, I would feel privileged to have made a  vital effort for a noble cause.

Foreword by

Dr.S.Ravindranathan, M.A.,Ph.D.,

Prof & Head,

Department Of English,

Manonmaniam Sundaranar University, Tirunelveli.

Caste, in India, is neither divinely ordained nor it is a curse. It is  well-determined, well-conceived fraud by a few intelligent people on the majority of the rest of the people. Indians, again easily succumb to theories fate, luck, Karma, and many such concepts which cancel individual efforts and rights.

Quest for rights for reservation and quest for women - both meet e same predicament in the Indian scenario. Instead of ascertaining their rights, both the women and the suppressed people plead for a few concessions, which are denied promptly. Both Ambedkar and Periyar fought for social justice and because of the efforts of these people, social justice, at least to some extend, became a possibility.

What is important is that reservation is NOT a concession but undoing the injustice meted out to generations of people in the past. I am happy that at least a small section of the youth are aware of these sociological phenomena.

Dr.T.Marx is also a dreamer-his collection of poems is an evidence-but his feet are firmly rooted on the earth and this book on reservation is an ample evidence of this factor.

Reservation has been handled and mishandled by the Indian politicians in so many ways killing the spirit behind the ideology. Dr. T. Marx has dispelled the conceptions by setting right the ideology behind reservation. My only wish is that the youth of India should read this book and be benefited.