Lokpal Drama

Lokpal -Sandwich between Oscar Hero Anna Hasare and UPA 

The promise of bringing in an effective Lokpal bill to curb corruption in high offices of governance has turned into a quagmire of fiascos. What the UPA government has done by approving the diluted version has dealt a severe blow to the concept of vigilance against corruption and signalled that corruption could continue undeterred. The approved Lokpal Bill, notwithstanding all the dramas of civil society groups and the dramatically over hyped faith of commoners over Lokpal, has become an affront to democracy. With the UPA’s attempt to keep the prime minister and the judiciary out of the Lokpal’s purview, the already crumbling credibility of the government erodes and civil society protests and politics of hunger strikes could merely remain theatre for the media instead of institutionalized reforms.

When the Constitution does not distinguish the prime minister from other cabinet colleagues, the argument that bringing the prime minister within the jurisdiction of the Lokpal would disrupt the office of a functioning head of the government is dubious. The concept of an independent Lokpal is unpalatable to the UPA government that wishes to function in a non-transparent, unaccountable manner. At the same time, though the argument that people should be involved in drafting legislation looks wise, it is dangerous to demand that the legislation drafted by a self-appointed, unaccountable and unrepresentative set of people be passed at the threat of hunger strikes. The Jan Lok Pal bill is not a solution to the problem of corruption as it stems from having struck a vein of bourgeoisie outrage against the UPA government’s misdeeds. As many common people believe the bill is not the panacea to weed out deeply entrenched corruption at the government level. If the country is anxious to address corruption, the Lokpal must have a wide and commanding reach, irrespective of the status and importance of those that hold public offices only in addition to institutional reforms.

Song on Dalit Liberation

Video Song filmed and produced by the Students of the Department of English, Pondicherry University.

My Letter on Salwa Judum

Letter to The Hindu dated 11-07-2011

Maoist insurgency can be tackled only by improving education and job opportunities, and ensuring equal development. The court's decision outlawing the civil militia is a historic verdict and will go a long way in protecting the tribals from state-aided rights violations. Salwa Judum, as the State claims, is not a spontaneous movement but a State-organised anti-insurgency campaign. Thousands have been armed in the name of protection against extremists.

In response to the Editorial in The Hindu dated 09-07-2011

A landmark verdict

“Laws cannot remain silent when the cannons roar,” the Supreme Court of India declared earlier this week, upturning Cicero's dictum to pronounce a historic judgment on the violent darkness that has enveloped the heart of India in Chhattisgarh. While the State and Union governments have predictably announced their intention to seek a review, the court's decision to disarm and disband the forces of mostly young, barely literate, and poorly trained Special Police Officers (SPOs) deployed by the state in the fight against Maoist insurgents is a blow for constitutional order. “Modern constitutionalism,” the court noted, “posits that no wielder of power should be allowed to claim the right to perpetrate ... violence against anyone, much less its own citizens, unchecked by law and notions of innate human dignity of every individual.” The burden of the judgment is simple: the country does face a threat from the Maoist insurgency but any attempt by the state to use “lawless violence” as a counter will only perpetuate and intensify the cycle of violence, as “the death toll revealed by the Government of Chhattisgarh” itself indicates. By default as well as design, the SPOs — whether organised under the name of ‘Salwa Judum' or ‘Koya Commandos' — have become the chief instrument of this lawless and failed counter-insurgency strategy. Innocent tribals have been the primary victims, either as targets of the SPOs or as poorly trained foot soldiers in a bloody war the government is not even prepared to properly finance.

In demanding an end to the SPO system, the Supreme Court has acted as much out of concern for the hapless tribal population of Dantewada as for the tribal youth who were press-ganged by their individual circumstances into becoming “cannon fodder” for the state. Chhattisgarh as well as the Union of India were guilty of violating the fundamental rights of citizens at large and the SPOs themselves. The court has also made the link between Chhattisgarh's illegal counter-insurgency strategy and the wider “neoliberal” approach being followed by the government at the Central and State levels. This approach is spawning disaffection among the poor and giving a boost to insurgency. The Salwa Judum is the illegitimate product of a system that sees nothing wrong in giving tax breaks to the rich and guns to the poor to fight each other, the court said. But the Constitution “is most certainly not a ‘pact for national suicide',” it concluded in ordering an end to this state of affairs. These are profound words. Both the Union of India and Chhattisgarh must immediately implement this splendid expression of judicial wisdom, not waste time in seeking a review.

Announce Mahinda Rajapaksa as war criminal

See the horrific pictures!  Question the Sinhalese brutality! Arrest Rajapaksa for war crimes!

Rajapaksa is the fascist-tyrant who harnessed the forces of Sinhalese nationalism, hatred and fear to implement his vision of an ethnically separated Sri Lanka.  Arresting and convicting Rajapaksa for his genocide will give millions of the affected Tamil people hope that the man responsible for killing their people and destroying their livelihoods will one day be brought to justice for the true extent of his crimes.

War Criminal Rajapaksa down down!

Present position:

Even with the TNA’s victory in the recent polls, Tamils currently do not have a strong national advocate as there is no space in the north for political organization since its civil society is relatively dead in the massive security presence. TNA’s victory in the local polls may not help when the ground reality is not conducive to livelihood revival and development. Progressive demilitarisation is a pre-requisite for internal pacification and legitimisation of the state in post-civil war Lanka which is not done in the North and the East. The Tamils still remain disenfranchised to alarming degrees due to internal displacement and subjection to military rule. In these circumstances, the invocation of sovereignty by Rajapaksa makes no sense to the war-torn people. There is little hope that the Sri Lankan government will put forth a durable political solution that will address the underlying grievances of the Tamil community. President Rajapaksa’s poor track record of reaching out to Tamils underscores the fears felt by many Tamils that they have no voice and continue to be marginalized by the Sinhalese-dominated government. Rajapaksa’s concept of majoritarian control over a pluralist country may deprive post-war Sri Lanka of the peace and normalcy that it desperately needs.

It is sad that Sri Lankan government still relies on its military might to govern the nation even after eliminating the LTTE threat to its security and loses its legitimacy among the Tamils. Moreover the government uses development of infrastructure as a substitute for a political solution thereby justifying the continuation of militarisation in the name of state security. The rehabilitation and development measures of post-war Eastern and Northern Sri Lanka have so far failed miserably to create any hope of a political way out.

The most reasonable and sustainable way to establish democracy and to instil hopes is to implement a political solution that makes the Tamils feel that they are not treated as second class citizens because of their ethnicity. The government should have the will to deliver a political solution and to reform the state by creating the obligatory representative processes for devolution and power sharing in a spirit of fostering hopes among the Tamils through reconciliation and peace building.

Read Ambedkar online

Useful link to access the works of Dr.Ambedkar

Dr. B.R.Ambedkar was a prominent thinker and social reformer from the Indian state of Maharashtra during the 19th century. During his time, he tried bringing in positive renovations in the spheres of education, caste system, social position of women, Constitution et al. Out of everything that Ambedkar ever did, he is most remembered for his selfless service to liberate the Dalits. Due to his relentless struggle to derive justice and equal rights for the Dalits, Ambedkar is regarded as one of the most significant figure in the social reform movement in India. If one wants to know the real face of Gandhi, Jinnah, Periyar EVR and other leaders, one should read the works of Ambedkar-the messiah of the Dalits.

Click on the link http://satyaguru.us/ambedkar_writings

Book on Reservation

Preface-Dr.T.Marx

A spectre is haunting India- the spectre of reservation. All powers of the Hindu society have entered into a holy alliance to exorcise this spectre: upper caste students and politicians, private industrialists, educationists, Brahmins and the media.

Discrimination is an affront to humanity and an assault on the concept of human rights. It systematically denies groups of people their human rights just because of who they are or what they believe.

After decades of assiduous attempts on the part of the ruling upper caste elite to hoodwink the world into believing; reservation will divide Indian society and will dilute the standards, writing this small book to dispel certain myths about reservation- for social justice. This is neither a research-based volume nor exhaustive study but a collection and consolidation of valid arguments to dispel the misconstrued and misleading arguments against reservation put forth by the Brahmins and caste Hindus.

Around the world, persecuted communities have organized themselves to defend their rights. Therefore it has become the task of lovers of social justice, democracy and secularism in India to unequivocally support the right of the SC/ST/OBC/ minorities t determination by way of reservation.  A vocal and vibrant mo should emerge throughout India to break the conspiracy of s surrounding   discrimination   and   violence against SC/ST/OBC/Minorities. In the struggle for the effective implement of reservations, we "have nothing to lose but our chains" but we have world to win".

I shall feel pride, if this petty contribution would at least be able create awareness among academics, social activists and secularist. If this book achieves this much, I would feel privileged to have made a  vital effort for a noble cause.

Foreword by

Dr.S.Ravindranathan, M.A.,Ph.D.,

Prof & Head,

Department Of English,

Manonmaniam Sundaranar University, Tirunelveli.

Caste, in India, is neither divinely ordained nor it is a curse. It is  well-determined, well-conceived fraud by a few intelligent people on the majority of the rest of the people. Indians, again easily succumb to theories fate, luck, Karma, and many such concepts which cancel individual efforts and rights.

Quest for rights for reservation and quest for women - both meet e same predicament in the Indian scenario. Instead of ascertaining their rights, both the women and the suppressed people plead for a few concessions, which are denied promptly. Both Ambedkar and Periyar fought for social justice and because of the efforts of these people, social justice, at least to some extend, became a possibility.

What is important is that reservation is NOT a concession but undoing the injustice meted out to generations of people in the past. I am happy that at least a small section of the youth are aware of these sociological phenomena.

Dr.T.Marx is also a dreamer-his collection of poems is an evidence-but his feet are firmly rooted on the earth and this book on reservation is an ample evidence of this factor.

Reservation has been handled and mishandled by the Indian politicians in so many ways killing the spirit behind the ideology. Dr. T. Marx has dispelled the conceptions by setting right the ideology behind reservation. My only wish is that the youth of India should read this book and be benefited.

Poems in Tamil

முனைவர் S. ஸ்ரீகுமார்

பேராசிரியர்,

தமிழியல் ஆய்வு மையம்,

S.D. இந்து கல்லூரி,

நாகர்கோயில்-629002

எண்ணச் சிறகுகள்.

மொழியை வசப்படுத்தும் ஒரு கலைதான் கவிதை. வாழ்வின் வறண்டுபோன உதடுகளை தன் நுனி நாக்கால் இன்னும் ஈரப்படுத்திக் கொண்டே இருப்பது கவிதை. இனிமையான கவிதைகள் பிரியம், துயரம், தேடல், ஆராதனை, கடுங்கோபம் என எல்லா அனுபவங்களையும் எளிமையான வார்த்தைகளால் பேசும். ஒரு சிறிய கருப்பொருளைக்கூட கவிதையாக்குகிற கலை வாழ்வனுபவம் வழங்கும் வரம். கவிதை பிரசவிப்பு என்பது ஒரு சுக அனுபவம் மட்டுமல்ல; அது ஒரு சௌந்தர்ய சக்தி. அதன் வீரியமும் வியாபிக்கும் திறனும் அணுவுக்குள் புதைந்து கிடக்கும் ஆற்றலைப் போன்றது. கவிஞர். த. மார்க்சிற்கு இது தெரிந்திருக்கிறது. கவிஞரின் முதல் அறுவடை இந்நூல்.

     ஒரு படைப்பாளி இந்தச் சமூகத்தின் நாடி பிடித்துப் பார்க்கும் மருத்துவராகவும், அவர் படைப்புக்கள் இச்சமூகத்தின் நோய் தீர்க்கும்  மருந்தாகவும் இருக்க வேண்டும். அவலங்களால் இதயக் குமுறல்களில் உண்டாகும் புலம்பல்களாக இல்லாமல், விடுதலை வேட்கை நோக்கிடும் விடியலுக்கான குயிலின் குரல் இந்த கவிதைத் தொகுப்பு. பகுத்தறிவு பொங்கிடும் சொற்களோடு இவருடைய ‘பா’ உலகம் தொடங்குகிறது. ஒவொரு பாவிலும் சமுதாய உணர்வும், உயர்வும் முகம் காட்டி மகிழ்விக்கின்றன. எதார்த்த வாழ்வை நேசிக்கும் கவிஞர் ஆகையால், யாருமற்ற வாழ்க்கை மரணித்துவிட்ட பாம்பைப் போல் இருண்மையானதாகக் கவிஞருக்குத் தென்படுகிறது. ஒட்டுத் துணி இல்லாமல், கொட்டும் பனியில் காய்ந்த ரொட்டித் துண்டுகளை இறுக்கமாகப் பற்றிக்கொண்டு ஓடும் ஆறு வயதுச் சிறுவனைப் பார்த்து குளிருக்கு இதமாய் இரண்டு போர்வையோடு படுத்திருப்பவனின் மன அவஸ்த்தை கவிஞரின் கனிவான இதயத்தைக்காட்டும்.

     இந்திய நாடு, மனிதர்களை வேட்டையாடும் கூடாரமாகிப் போனது கண்டு குமுறுகிறார். அவசர உலகில் பக்த்திகூட பாரதத்தில் பரிதவித்து நிற்கின்றது. வெள்ளைக்காரனை வென்ற மகாத்மா, சுதந்திர இந்தியாவில் இன்று தோல்வியின் அடையாளமாகக் கவிஞரின் பார்வையில் காட்சி தருகிறார்.

     கவிஞரது  கவிதைகளில், கவிதைக்கேற்ற வார்த்தைகள் உள்ளடக்கத்திற்கு ஏற்ப உட்கார்ந்து அழகு செய்கின்றன. அடிபட்டுக் கிடக்கும் கருநாகம், பழைய சைக்கிள் டயர்போல் சுருண்டு கிடக்கிறது எனும் வரிகளில் புதிய உவமை பளிச்சிடுகிறது. சிறிய ஓடைகள் தண்ணீரை வாங்கிக்கொள்ளும் வரை, ஆறு தன் ஓட்டத்தை நிறுத்திக் கொள்வதே இல்லை என்னும்பொழுது, கருத்தாழம் மிளிர்கிறது

இலையுதிர்  காலத்தின் கடைசி இலை, மழைக்காலத்தின் முதல் துளியாக ஆட்சி மாற்றத்தை காணும்பொழுது, கவிஞரின் சமீப கால உணர்வு வெளிப்படுகிறது. கிழிந்த ஆடையிநூடாக மார்பை ரசித்துப் பார்க்கும் வந்புனர்ச்சியாளர்கள், கருவறையில் பிறந்தனரா கழிப்பறையில் பிறந்தனரா? என்ற கேள்வியை எழுப்பும்பொழுது கவிஞரின் சமூக உணர்வு துல்லியப்படுகிறது. சோறு கிடைக்காத காக்கைகூட தலைவரின் தலையில் அமர்ந்து எச்சமிட்டு கோபத்தை வெளிப்படுத்துகிறது. உழைக்காது உண்ணும் மனிதனைப் பார்த்து, உழைத்து உண்ணும் தேனீக்கள் கூடக் கோபம் கொள்கின்றன. ஆனால் மனிதன்? என்று கவிஞர் கேள்வி கேட்பது நினைக்கத்தக்கது. புரட்சியின் அடித்தளம் வெகுசனங்களின் கோபம் என்பது வரவேற்கத்தக்க வரி.

     இன்றைய கவிதை உலகின் சிக்கல்களையும் சிடுக்குகளையும், எமகங்களையும் படிமங்களையும், மானுடச் சமூகத்திரலின் உள்ளார்ந்த பிளவுகளையும், நெருடல்களையும், ஏக்கங்களையும், சோகங்களையும், ஆக்கங்களையும் ஊன்றி உணர்ந்துள்ளார் கவிஞர். த. மார்க்ஸ். கபடமற்ற விழிகளால் கண்டுனர்ந்தவற்றைச் சிக்கலற்ற பொது மொழியில் சொல்ல முற்பட்டுள்ளார். மொட்டுக்குள் சிறைபட்டுக் கிடக்கும் மணம், கற்றைத் தழுவி கெளரவம் பெறுவதை யார் தடுக்க முடியும்? காற்று சங்கீதமாவதும், பேச்சு கவிதையாவதும், வண்ணங்களின் தெளிப்பு ஓவியமாவதும் சராசரித் தனத்தை மீறும் பொழுதுதான் நிகழும். போராட்டக் குணத்தோடு மீண்டும் கிளர்ந்தெழுவேன் என்று முத்தாய்ப்புக் கவிதை மூலம் சராசரித்தனத்தை மீறி எழுந்து, நிமிர்ந்து, கவிதை உலகில் வீறு நடை போட இக்கவிதை நூல் மூலம் கவிஞர் த. மார்க்ஸ் ஆயுத்தமாகிறார். கவிங்கறது கவிதைப் பயணம் தொடர வாழ்த்துக்கள்.

வாசிக்க சில கவிதைகள்:

காவியும் திரிசூலமும்

வெறுப்பை உமிழும் முகங்கள்

சோகங்கள் நிறைந்த நாட்கள்

கோபங்கள் சூழ்ந்த இரவுகள்

வன்முறையைச் சுவாசிக்கும் காற்று

அரைநிர்வாண மரக்கிளையில்

நடனமாடும் தீக்கதிர்கள்

குப்பைகள் கலந்த மண்ணில்

பொம்மைகளோடு தன்னந்தனியே

அநாதையாக்கப்பட்ட குழந்தைகள்.

எங்கும் மரண ஓலம்

சிதிலமடைந்த குடியிருப்புகள்

சிதறிப்போன நம்பிக்கைகள்

அன்னை தேசத்தில்

அன்னியர்கலாகிப்போன அப்பாவிகள்

மனிதர்களை வேட்டையாடி

மகிழும் நரபளிக் கூட்டம்

மகளிர் கற்பைச் சூரையாடிப்

புரளும் வன்புணர்ச்சிக் கூட்டம்

மதவெறியாட்டம் முடிந்தது

திரும்புகிற இடமெல்லாம்

இரங்கற்பாக்கள்  மட்டுமே

கேட்பவர்கள் யாருமில்லை

வார்த்தைகள் எதுவுமில்லை

காலடி ஓசையில் எதிரொலியோடு

உரையாடிச் செல்லலாம்.

உறிஞ்சிய இரத்த நெடியில்

சிறிது இளைப்பாறுகிறார்கள்.

மீண்டும் மதவாதிகளுக்குப்

பசி எடுத்தால்

மற்றுமொரு முறை

காவியும் திரிசூலமும்

மனித வேட்டைக்கு

வலம் வரும்.

ஓடி ஒளிந்து கொள்ளுங்கள்

காந்தி பிறந்த வீட்டுக்குள்....

உடையாத பாட்டில்களும்

உடையும் மனிதமும்

அழுக்கான பள்ளிச்சீருடையில்

சோகம் படராத முகச் சிறுமி

தோள்களில் கோணிப்பை

தொலைந்து போன வாழ்க்கை.

காந்தம் பொருத்தப்பட்ட தடியால்

குப்பைகளைக் கிளரும் கரங்கள்

காந்தம் நோக்கி வரும் குப்பி மூடிகள்

வறுமை தேடி வரும் துயரங்கள் போல்.

குனிந்து முடிகளைப் பொறுக்கும்போது

கிழிந்த ஆடைகளி னூடாகத் தெரியும்

மார்பை ரசித்துப் பார்க்கும்

மானங்கெட்ட வன்புணர்ச்சிக் கூட்டம்.

இவர்கள் கருவறையில் பிறந்தனரா?

இல்லை கழிப்பறையில் பிறந்தனரா?

இருப்போர் ஆடை கிழிந்தால் பாவனை

வறியோர் ஆடை கிழிந்தால் வேதனை.

பெண்ணே! கிழிந்தது உன் ஆடையல்ல

சுண்ணம் பூசிய மனித முகங்களோடு

சிதிலமடைந்த ஜனநாயகமும்தான்.

முழுப் புத்தகத்தையும் வாசிக்க தொடர்பு கொள்ளலாம்: drtmarx@gmail.com

Social Documentary

Don’t I have education?-A Social Documentary by Bharathi Krishna Kumar- Need of the hour

Ever since independence, education has been the most neglected sector in India. Many committees and commissions have been tried in vain to review the existing system of education to make it more responsive to human needs. Nothing tangible has been achieved in sixty five years and education today is as far removed from day-to -day life as it was in pre- independence India.   

Elementary education has remained basically a mirage and has not been realized properly. School buildings are non-existent in Dalit and tribal areas, and in remote villages. In some villages, schools are used as stop-gap cattle shelters. Teachers and the study materials they provide are not up-to-date. Primary education is also in a shamble. Poor parents and students are not properly motivated to avail of the available educational facilities. It is imperative that the existing system of education must be revamped immediately if it is to have any sense in today’s life. 

Even after 65 years of independence, India, the greatest democracy, is still struggling with its educational policy.  It is high time that we should have a uniform education system all over the country. The basic needs of every Indian irrespective of class, caste etc is to get uniform education by which class concept will be eliminated and everybody can get better education. If we have uniform education, poor children can also get better education along with the other different sections of population. Caste and Gender discrimination in education sector will also be reduced. Government institutions will get brighter students, who are now going to private schools with an illusion that they provide quality and better education. Uniform education system will proceed towards sustainable education, which may lead to a stronger socio-economic system.

India is ‘shining’, but with a population of over a million poor students denied the right to quality education, the socio-economic progress is lop-sided. While one part of India is a vibrant economy, inequality is a major social problem.  Faced with no options where they live, many with money/power migrate to urban areas in search of schools and better education opportunities; by living in slums the poor end up without the basic education. Most of the children from the rural areas have never seen the inside of the so called state-of- the- art classroom. Of those who go to school, the dropout rate is high.

Shame on a nation that couldn’t provide its citizens free quality education! Don’t I have education?-this documentary film by Bharathi Krishna Kumar focuses on the need for free quality education for all. This film will be an eye-opener for all who /half bakedly/blindly/selfishly oppose uniform education for all and will persuade people to fight for the right to uniform education.

I personally congratulate Comrade. Bharathi Krishna Kumar on his campaign for uniform education with his third social documentary. Earlier he has produced Ramaiyavin Kudisai  -Based on Keelavenmani Massacre, and Endru Thaniyum-Based on Kumbakonam School Fire tragedy.

Copies of the documentary can be had from: Bharathi KrishnaKumar, Rainbow Info Media, 7/4, Seventh Street (Ground Floor), Dasarathapuram, Saligramam, Chennai-600093. Ph: 044-23767990

National Seminar on Dalit Literature

National Seminar on Production and Reception of Dalit Literature

[Release of Seminar Abstracts-Dr.T.Marx, Prof.Vengutaramanae, Prof.K.Chellappan, Shri.Choletti Prabahar,IAS, and Prof.S.Murali (Left to right)]

The National Seminar on the Production and Reception of Dalit Literature was held on 30^th and 31^st March 2011 in the Department of English, Pondicherry University. Many Dalit literature experts and scholars contributed their invaluable opinions and critical views on Dalit literature that has sprung up in several Indian languages and in English translations. The Seminar was organized by Dr.T.Marx and the overwhelming support and cooperation of I MA students made the seminar a grand success. All the faculty members of the Department extended their kind cooperation for the Seminar. 

The presidential address was given by Prof.S. Murali, the Head of the Dept of English, Pondicherry University. Mr. Cholleti Prabhakar I.A.S, Secretary to Government of Puducherry, and Prof.Vengutaramanae, Dean, School of Humanities, Pondicherry University offered felicitation. The most remarkable event of the seminar was the inaugural address delivered by the renowned scholar in English literary studies Prof. K. Chellappan, Former Director, State Institute of English. He illustrated the quintessential traits of the Dalit literary writings as a contradicting genre to the mainstream literature for its political and cultural purposes. He also pointed out the nature of Dalit literature as a revolting enterprise against all external and internal oppressions. He gave an analytical example by his reading of the novels of Sivakami and Bama as Dalit feminist writings. Around 50 papers were presented by the researchers and writers of Dalit literature across the nation, among whom the prominent few were Dr. S.Prabahar, Head, Dept of English, Manonmaniam Sundaranar University, Tirunelveli, Dr.Armstrong from the University of Madras, Dr.Ajayan, Sri Narayana College, Kollam, Dr. MB. Manoj, Department of Malayalam, Kottayam University, Kerala, Mr.Binu Pallipat, Freelance writer cum poet, Kumali, Dr. J.Bheemaiah  from the University of Hyderabad, Mr. Viswanathan, Reader’s Editor, The Hindu and Mr.A .Xavier, Director, Dalit Intellectual Forum, Trichy.

The event was designed with multi-dimensional tasks which, transcending the literary boundaries, focused on the social aspects of Dalit liberation and the still-continuing atrocities against the out-caste people. Speakers and paper presenters largely concentrated upon these aspects in the two-day seminar. A symposium on the atrocities against Dalits had also been arranged specifically for this kind of discussions. Dr. S. Prabahar convened the symposium, in which Gauthama Sannah, Advocate Madras High Court, Freelance writer cum orator Kudiyarasan and Dr.Kesava Kumar, Department of Philosophy, Pondicherry University participated. The seminar got a successful ending with the valedictory address of Prof. Ramadass, Director, Studies, Educational Innovations and Rural Reconstruction. The I year PG students’ support was indeed marvelous throughout the event. The theme song produced by I MA students deserved the attention of the audience. Another important event was the flute music by Binu Pallipad.

Educate! Organize! Agitate! –Dr.B.R.Ambedkar

Tribute-Karthigesu Sivathambi

Tribute- Karthigesu Sivathambi: A Scholar Extraordinary

Karthigesu Sivathambi, an extraordinary scholar applying the multi-disciplinary approach as originally promoted by the late K.Kailasapathy, another towering figure in the academic and literary scene and an intellect much adored and highly respected by fellow Sri Lankan intellectuals, passed away in his home in Colombo on 6^th July 2011 at the age of 79.

An Emeritus Professor of Tamil in the University of Jaffna, Mr. Sivathamby is known as an outstanding Tamil scholar, specializing in the social and literary history of Tamils, culture and communication among Tamils, Tamil drama and literary criticism. He has authored about 70 books and 200 research papers in Tamil and English.

Born in Karaveddi in Jaffna in 1932, he studied B.A. (History, Economics and Tamil) and M.A. (Tamil) at the University of Ceylon and received his Ph.D. (Drama in Ancient Tamil Society) from the University of Birmingham in 1970, where he studied under Marxist scholar George Thomson.

After serving as a simultaneous interpreter in the House of Representatives of Parliament of Ceylon, he taught at Zahira College, Vidyodaya and Eastern University of Sri Lanka. He was a visiting professor of Tamil at the University of Madras and the Institute of International Studies, Chennai. He was also a senior research/visiting fellow at Jawaharlal Nehru University, Tamil University, Thanjavur, and the University of Cambridge.

He has served as chairman of the Coordinating Committee of Citizens of North and East of Sri Lanka; chairman of The Refugee Rehabilitation Organisation (TRRO) – Jaffna, during 1986-98, and served as the patron of the Colombo Tamil Sangam.

On behalf of the Tamil Community, I offer my heart-felt condolences to his family. Mr. Sivathamby’s death, indeed, was an irreparable loss to Tamil literature and the Left movement.