Are Muslims second class citizens?

Are Muslims second class citizens?

My article “Islam and Media Discourses in India: Constructing Islamophobia” (International Journal of South Asian Studies P.284) lambasts current political scenario in which Muslims have been reduced to second class citizens in India. If the term ‘minority’ connotes discrimination, disempowerment and systemic injustice by the majority community, the Muslims are ‘minorities’ only. Muslims have been treated as second class citizens in a secular democracy liable to be branded as terrorists by irresponsible fanatics and political parties, the police and sections of the breathless media. India’s long-cherished portrait of itself as a model of democracy, secularism and religious-cultural pluralism has been cast into doubt by Sachar Panel findings. Indian Muslims are disproportionately affected by under-representation and social exclusion and bureaucratic delay and inertia in responding to Muslim requests for socio-cultural space. Muslims, India’s largest religious minority, face systematic exclusion and serious discrimination at multiple levels. Sachar adds that Muslims now constitute India’s ‘new underclass’; they are worse off than the rest of the population in respect of access to public services, literacy, education, income, social mobility, and jobs. Muslims form 13.4 per cent of India’s population of a billionplus people, but are seriously underrepresented in schools, universities, government jobs, and Parliament.

The minority question has always been quite controversial in India. The secular forces not only acknowledge minority question but also want to give them equal status in matters of social, cultural, political and economic rights. Sadly, a systematic effort has been underway to create and sustain a minority-phobia among Indian Hindus that minority is synonymous with Muslims. Muslims are viewed as an enemy within and they feel that they are under constant siege as a numerical majority has been indoctrinated to believe that this minority is a threat. Communal forces who espouse communal ideology refuse to recognise the minority status and their distinct socio-cultural status. The communal forces continue to question the status of religious minorities especially Muslims. Sometimes they accuse secular parties of 'appeasement of minorities' and they also question their loyalty to the country.

The lackadaisical attitude of the government and the political mileage sought whenever communal riots occur has been very painful for the Community, the Sachar report also contained statistics showing the deplorable socioeconomic conditions that they confront and the systematic anti-Muslim bias on the part of the police and judiciary. No secular democracy can ever succeed without acceptance of pluralism. In a secular democracy a religious other becomes a political other. If the Indian secular democracy is well established, no Muslim should be deprived of his or her political rights on the basis of religion.

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For full article access, log on: http://www.pondiuni.edu.in/sites/default/files/downloads/sasvol12_2008.pdf

Lokpal Drama

Lokpal -Sandwich between Oscar Hero Anna Hasare and UPA 

The promise of bringing in an effective Lokpal bill to curb corruption in high offices of governance has turned into a quagmire of fiascos. What the UPA government has done by approving the diluted version has dealt a severe blow to the concept of vigilance against corruption and signalled that corruption could continue undeterred. The approved Lokpal Bill, notwithstanding all the dramas of civil society groups and the dramatically over hyped faith of commoners over Lokpal, has become an affront to democracy. With the UPA’s attempt to keep the prime minister and the judiciary out of the Lokpal’s purview, the already crumbling credibility of the government erodes and civil society protests and politics of hunger strikes could merely remain theatre for the media instead of institutionalized reforms.

When the Constitution does not distinguish the prime minister from other cabinet colleagues, the argument that bringing the prime minister within the jurisdiction of the Lokpal would disrupt the office of a functioning head of the government is dubious. The concept of an independent Lokpal is unpalatable to the UPA government that wishes to function in a non-transparent, unaccountable manner. At the same time, though the argument that people should be involved in drafting legislation looks wise, it is dangerous to demand that the legislation drafted by a self-appointed, unaccountable and unrepresentative set of people be passed at the threat of hunger strikes. The Jan Lok Pal bill is not a solution to the problem of corruption as it stems from having struck a vein of bourgeoisie outrage against the UPA government’s misdeeds. As many common people believe the bill is not the panacea to weed out deeply entrenched corruption at the government level. If the country is anxious to address corruption, the Lokpal must have a wide and commanding reach, irrespective of the status and importance of those that hold public offices only in addition to institutional reforms.

Song on Dalit Liberation

Video Song filmed and produced by the Students of the Department of English, Pondicherry University.

My Letter on Salwa Judum

Letter to The Hindu dated 11-07-2011

Maoist insurgency can be tackled only by improving education and job opportunities, and ensuring equal development. The court's decision outlawing the civil militia is a historic verdict and will go a long way in protecting the tribals from state-aided rights violations. Salwa Judum, as the State claims, is not a spontaneous movement but a State-organised anti-insurgency campaign. Thousands have been armed in the name of protection against extremists.

In response to the Editorial in The Hindu dated 09-07-2011

A landmark verdict

“Laws cannot remain silent when the cannons roar,” the Supreme Court of India declared earlier this week, upturning Cicero's dictum to pronounce a historic judgment on the violent darkness that has enveloped the heart of India in Chhattisgarh. While the State and Union governments have predictably announced their intention to seek a review, the court's decision to disarm and disband the forces of mostly young, barely literate, and poorly trained Special Police Officers (SPOs) deployed by the state in the fight against Maoist insurgents is a blow for constitutional order. “Modern constitutionalism,” the court noted, “posits that no wielder of power should be allowed to claim the right to perpetrate ... violence against anyone, much less its own citizens, unchecked by law and notions of innate human dignity of every individual.” The burden of the judgment is simple: the country does face a threat from the Maoist insurgency but any attempt by the state to use “lawless violence” as a counter will only perpetuate and intensify the cycle of violence, as “the death toll revealed by the Government of Chhattisgarh” itself indicates. By default as well as design, the SPOs — whether organised under the name of ‘Salwa Judum' or ‘Koya Commandos' — have become the chief instrument of this lawless and failed counter-insurgency strategy. Innocent tribals have been the primary victims, either as targets of the SPOs or as poorly trained foot soldiers in a bloody war the government is not even prepared to properly finance.

In demanding an end to the SPO system, the Supreme Court has acted as much out of concern for the hapless tribal population of Dantewada as for the tribal youth who were press-ganged by their individual circumstances into becoming “cannon fodder” for the state. Chhattisgarh as well as the Union of India were guilty of violating the fundamental rights of citizens at large and the SPOs themselves. The court has also made the link between Chhattisgarh's illegal counter-insurgency strategy and the wider “neoliberal” approach being followed by the government at the Central and State levels. This approach is spawning disaffection among the poor and giving a boost to insurgency. The Salwa Judum is the illegitimate product of a system that sees nothing wrong in giving tax breaks to the rich and guns to the poor to fight each other, the court said. But the Constitution “is most certainly not a ‘pact for national suicide',” it concluded in ordering an end to this state of affairs. These are profound words. Both the Union of India and Chhattisgarh must immediately implement this splendid expression of judicial wisdom, not waste time in seeking a review.

Announce Mahinda Rajapaksa as war criminal

See the horrific pictures!  Question the Sinhalese brutality! Arrest Rajapaksa for war crimes!

Rajapaksa is the fascist-tyrant who harnessed the forces of Sinhalese nationalism, hatred and fear to implement his vision of an ethnically separated Sri Lanka.  Arresting and convicting Rajapaksa for his genocide will give millions of the affected Tamil people hope that the man responsible for killing their people and destroying their livelihoods will one day be brought to justice for the true extent of his crimes.

War Criminal Rajapaksa down down!

Present position:

Even with the TNA’s victory in the recent polls, Tamils currently do not have a strong national advocate as there is no space in the north for political organization since its civil society is relatively dead in the massive security presence. TNA’s victory in the local polls may not help when the ground reality is not conducive to livelihood revival and development. Progressive demilitarisation is a pre-requisite for internal pacification and legitimisation of the state in post-civil war Lanka which is not done in the North and the East. The Tamils still remain disenfranchised to alarming degrees due to internal displacement and subjection to military rule. In these circumstances, the invocation of sovereignty by Rajapaksa makes no sense to the war-torn people. There is little hope that the Sri Lankan government will put forth a durable political solution that will address the underlying grievances of the Tamil community. President Rajapaksa’s poor track record of reaching out to Tamils underscores the fears felt by many Tamils that they have no voice and continue to be marginalized by the Sinhalese-dominated government. Rajapaksa’s concept of majoritarian control over a pluralist country may deprive post-war Sri Lanka of the peace and normalcy that it desperately needs.

It is sad that Sri Lankan government still relies on its military might to govern the nation even after eliminating the LTTE threat to its security and loses its legitimacy among the Tamils. Moreover the government uses development of infrastructure as a substitute for a political solution thereby justifying the continuation of militarisation in the name of state security. The rehabilitation and development measures of post-war Eastern and Northern Sri Lanka have so far failed miserably to create any hope of a political way out.

The most reasonable and sustainable way to establish democracy and to instil hopes is to implement a political solution that makes the Tamils feel that they are not treated as second class citizens because of their ethnicity. The government should have the will to deliver a political solution and to reform the state by creating the obligatory representative processes for devolution and power sharing in a spirit of fostering hopes among the Tamils through reconciliation and peace building.

Read Ambedkar online

Useful link to access the works of Dr.Ambedkar

Dr. B.R.Ambedkar was a prominent thinker and social reformer from the Indian state of Maharashtra during the 19th century. During his time, he tried bringing in positive renovations in the spheres of education, caste system, social position of women, Constitution et al. Out of everything that Ambedkar ever did, he is most remembered for his selfless service to liberate the Dalits. Due to his relentless struggle to derive justice and equal rights for the Dalits, Ambedkar is regarded as one of the most significant figure in the social reform movement in India. If one wants to know the real face of Gandhi, Jinnah, Periyar EVR and other leaders, one should read the works of Ambedkar-the messiah of the Dalits.

Click on the link http://satyaguru.us/ambedkar_writings

Book on Reservation

Preface-Dr.T.Marx

A spectre is haunting India- the spectre of reservation. All powers of the Hindu society have entered into a holy alliance to exorcise this spectre: upper caste students and politicians, private industrialists, educationists, Brahmins and the media.

Discrimination is an affront to humanity and an assault on the concept of human rights. It systematically denies groups of people their human rights just because of who they are or what they believe.

After decades of assiduous attempts on the part of the ruling upper caste elite to hoodwink the world into believing; reservation will divide Indian society and will dilute the standards, writing this small book to dispel certain myths about reservation- for social justice. This is neither a research-based volume nor exhaustive study but a collection and consolidation of valid arguments to dispel the misconstrued and misleading arguments against reservation put forth by the Brahmins and caste Hindus.

Around the world, persecuted communities have organized themselves to defend their rights. Therefore it has become the task of lovers of social justice, democracy and secularism in India to unequivocally support the right of the SC/ST/OBC/ minorities t determination by way of reservation.  A vocal and vibrant mo should emerge throughout India to break the conspiracy of s surrounding   discrimination   and   violence against SC/ST/OBC/Minorities. In the struggle for the effective implement of reservations, we "have nothing to lose but our chains" but we have world to win".

I shall feel pride, if this petty contribution would at least be able create awareness among academics, social activists and secularist. If this book achieves this much, I would feel privileged to have made a  vital effort for a noble cause.

Foreword by

Dr.S.Ravindranathan, M.A.,Ph.D.,

Prof & Head,

Department Of English,

Manonmaniam Sundaranar University, Tirunelveli.

Caste, in India, is neither divinely ordained nor it is a curse. It is  well-determined, well-conceived fraud by a few intelligent people on the majority of the rest of the people. Indians, again easily succumb to theories fate, luck, Karma, and many such concepts which cancel individual efforts and rights.

Quest for rights for reservation and quest for women - both meet e same predicament in the Indian scenario. Instead of ascertaining their rights, both the women and the suppressed people plead for a few concessions, which are denied promptly. Both Ambedkar and Periyar fought for social justice and because of the efforts of these people, social justice, at least to some extend, became a possibility.

What is important is that reservation is NOT a concession but undoing the injustice meted out to generations of people in the past. I am happy that at least a small section of the youth are aware of these sociological phenomena.

Dr.T.Marx is also a dreamer-his collection of poems is an evidence-but his feet are firmly rooted on the earth and this book on reservation is an ample evidence of this factor.

Reservation has been handled and mishandled by the Indian politicians in so many ways killing the spirit behind the ideology. Dr. T. Marx has dispelled the conceptions by setting right the ideology behind reservation. My only wish is that the youth of India should read this book and be benefited.